From poor immigrants to small industrialists: the formation of the industrial business class in the interior of the state of Sao Paulo/Brazil (1890–1960)

 

Table 1 – General records of small-scale industrial businesses (1890-1930)

Documents

Samples

Total number of industrial businesses

%

Italian origin

Italian origin

%

License permits

2,328

446

19.15%

202

45.29%

Tax books – complete documentation

6,598

1,222

18.52%

701

57.36%

Tax books – incomplete documentation

4,150

647

15.59%

346

53.47%

Tax book–1899

2,145

360

16.78%

207

57.5%

Total

15,221

2,675

17.57%

1,456

54.42%

Source: APHRP – License Permits (1891-1902); Yearbook of Trade of the State of São Paulo (1904) and Books of Taxes on Industry, Trade, and Occupations (1899-1930).

 

There were 15,221 records in all; 2,675 were of small industrial businesses, or 17.57% of the total. Of this amount, 54.42% had individuals of Italian origin as owners. Of the 1,452 records of people with Italian surnames, excluding trademarked and duplicate records, we obtained 752 records.[28] We had the names of those who were industrialists and could now check their humble origins. The documentation that could provide us with data about these people when they were still young was the Books of Records of Marriages, because they usually married early, soon after adolescence. With that, there was the possibility that many had declared the profession they had pursued in Italy. Of the 752 people named, 107 were married in Ribeirão Preto. Based on these marriage records, we determined the nationalities of the grooms, their professions, and the occupations of their godfathers and marriage witnesses. The results concerning the nationalities of the grooms are presented in Table 2.

 

 

Table 2 – Nationalities of the Grooms

Nationalities

Grooms

Italian 81
Brazilian 17
Austrian 06
Spanish 01
Not declared 02
Total 107

Source: Books of Records of Marriages of the First Civil Registry Office of Ribeirão Preto (1890-1930).

 

Of the 17 grooms of Brazilian nationality, 10 were children of Italians (the first generation born in Brazil). The documentation does not identify the nationality of the other seven grooms’ parents, but their last names suggest the origin of their parents: Giacheto, Franzoti, Codognotto, Ferracini, Codogno, Casanova, Grandini.

The records of marriages contain the occupations of grooms and witnesses; on that basis, we establish some divisions in the research. So, we first selected grooms who are workers, whose witnesses or godfathers, with few exceptions, were also employed as workers. We classify workers as those who performed manual occupations, with low pay and low social prestige.[29] Frequently, people choose their godparents from among those closest to their social circle, so the profession of the godfather of a groom who is a worker can prove the modest origins of the godson. Secondly, we analyze groom workers whose godfathers performed activities in which they were not necessarily workers themselves or had a high-level profession – or one that provided social status to those who pursued it, aside from being well-paid.[30] Subsequently, we investigated the few records of grooms with high-level professions whose godfathers were workers. Finally, in the last installment of our sample, we analyzed the grooms and godfathers with high-level professions.

The empirical research revealed the data contained in Table 3. The Graph 1 provides us with the percentage of workers in the total sample of business owners. These data support our thesis about the humble origins of these industrialists.

 

Table 3 – The profession pursued by industrial business owners at the time of marriage

Classification

Total of Grooms

Worker grooms with godfathers who are workers

57

Worker grooms with godfathers who hold high-level professions

13

Grooms with high-level professions whose godfathers are workers

04

Grooms and their godfathers who hold high-level professions

31

Total

105*

Source: Books of Records of Marriages of the First Civil Registry Office of Ribeirão Preto (1890-1930).

 

Graph 1 – Percentage of groom workers and those with high-level professions

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Source: Books of Records of Marriages of the First Civil Registry Office of Ribeirão Preto (1890-1930).

 

In the sample of 107 industrialists, 70 said they were employed as workers at the time of their marriages. Of these, many had godparents who were also employed as workers. Thus in Ribeirão Preto, those who had modest economic resources but some know-how could take advantage of investment opportunities offered by the city’s economy in order to advance their status from workers to businesspeople.

 

3.2. The foreign origin of the shoemaking business class in the city of Franca

 

In 1920 Franca had 44,308 inhabitants, only 6,193 of whom were immigrants – approximately 14% of the population. Of all foreigners, 2,889 were Italians and 2,281 were Spaniards.[31] Unlike Ribeirão Preto, these immigrants found major obstacles in their strategies of social mobility, as they did not have privileged access to land. By the time these immigrants arrived in the city, they found the city’s rural properties dominated by small units that were already occupied by Brazilians.[32] Moreover, foreigners were not the major source of the labor supply. They had to compete with national migrants, especially miners[33] – the city is close to the state of Minas Gerais – and they were attracted by the possibility of better jobs. Since immigrants had to compete for the best jobs, for many years they often, before settling in urban areas, worked as field hands or paid farmers on someone else’s land.

Another feature of Franca’s economy was that the coffee plantation did not represent a monoculture or a classic model of plantation economy[34] because the smallholdings, farms, and properties in the city had other types of crops or, especially, livestock. Even before the arrival of coffee to the city, livestock was the mainstay of this region’s economy. Franca was a trading post of the “Highway of Goiases” – responsible for commercially connecting the capital of the then-province of São Paulo and Goiás and Mato Grosso – and the mainstay of this Franca market was livestock, meat, and hides.[35] The leather market in town alongside the handicraft products made ​​from leather (including harnesses, boots, sandals, and sheaths) increased the importance of livestock in the city. Along with the arrival of the coffee industry in the late nineteenth century, a booming sector was the leather industry, which, besides supplying a broader trade circuit (the drovers’ route, and later the cities linked by the Mogiana Railroad Company), created the conditions for the development of the shoemaking industry in this location.[36]

As with the embryonic process of industrialization that occurred in Ribeirão Preto (1890-1930), what was most distinctive about establishments arising from the shoemaking industry in Franca between 1900 and 1960 was their size. In a landmark study on this topic based on extensive documentation, Agnaldo de Sousa Barbosa empirically demonstrated that this sector very slowly veered away from the craft production stage. According to him, “[…] o grande capital esteve ausente da formação da indústria do calçado, somente se fazendo presente a partir dos anos 1960, quando o setor já se encontrava plenamente consolidado no município.[37] These developments often arose from the efforts from simple shoemakers and their hand tools – given that the use of machines in these industries, to date, only complements manual skills, which are ultimately responsible for the final product.

Despite the obstacles encountered in Franca, immigrants and their descendants found in the leather and footwear industry a lever for social mobility. With that in mind, the ethnicity and social origins of these business owners are a relevant factor. Based on this, we surveyed all industrial and commercial establishments registered in Franca between 1900 and 1960. Since the nationality of people for the most part did not appear in the books of Records of Commercial Firms, at the Clerk of the General Register of Mortgages and Annexes of Franca, we adopted the same methodology used with the documentation of Ribeirão Preto. That is, we used the last name as a sorting element. In Franca, unlike in Ribeirão Preto, the Italians did not constitute an absolute majority, because this city had a strong Spanish and Portuguese presence. Distinguishing these two ethnic groups from the rest of the population by surname is somewhat difficult, since many Brazilians have Spanish or Portuguese last names (such as Garcia, Pereira, Oliveira, and Silva). Therefore, to avoid inaccurate results, we studied only people with Italian, Syrian, and Lebanese surnames.[38] These ethnic groups’ participation in the city’s economy provided us with a reasonable sample of the integration of immigrants into the society of Franca, especially in establishments that started the shoemaking cluster. Another point to be explained is that we classified all other ethnicities as “Other.” Starting with the 1940s, the nationality of each person was included in documentation, which facilitated our classification. However, when it came to Brazilians whose names we identified as Italian, Syrian, or Lebanese, we classified them in their nationality of origin.

In order to systematize this research, we created five types of activities to fit the many names of establishments present in the documentation. In Table 4, we list the five types of activities, as well as some sample of establishments.

 


 

Table 4 Classification of industrial and commercial establishments in Franca
(1900-1960)

Type of activity

Designation of the establishment

Rural activity Farming development and agricultural development, among others.
Urban commerce Haberdasheries, fabrics, grocery, pharmacy, butcher, stationery, and taverns, among others.
Other industries Carpenters, metalworkers, processing of agricultural products, soap factories, and foundries, among others.
Leather-footwear Tanneries, shoe factories, making of harnesses, and shoe makers, among others.
Provision of services Transportation services, repair shops, guesthouses, and hotels, among others.

Source: Records of Commercial Firms at the Clerk of the General Register of Mortgages and Annexes of Franca. Municipal Historical Archive of Franca (AHMUF).

 

Even though it was not the purpose of this type of record, some rural activities were included in the documentation. Although they are few in number, we present this data and preserve the computation of total enrollments. Based on the breakdown of establishments, we try to assess the participation of people of foreign origin in each type of activity, within ten-year periods. Table 5 presents the results. The three different shades of gray denote the level of immigrant participation in the type of activity throughout the period presented. Thus, light gray symbolizes that the participation of immigrants was below the number of nationals, medium gray that the number was equal or close to the number of nationals, and dark gray denotes that the number of immigrants was above the number of nationals.

 

Table 5 – Participation of immigrants and their descendants in Franca’s economy

(1900-1960)

1901-1910

Type of business activity

Brazilian

Italian

Syrian or Lebanese

Other

Total

Rural activity 04 00 00 00 04

Urban commerce
91 15 23 10 139
Other industries 03 05 00 00 08
Leather-footwear 16 03 00 00 19
Provision of services 00 01 00 00 01
TOTAL 114 24 23 08 171

 

 

 

 

1911-1920

Type of activity

Brazilian

Italian

Syrian or Lebanese

Other

Total

Rural activity 00 01 00 00 01

Urban commerce
66 13 16 13 108
Other industries 03 04 00 01 08
Leather-footwear 14 04 00 02 20
Provision of services 03 03 00 00 06
TOTAL 86 25 16 16 143

 

 

1921-1930

Type of activity

Brazilian

Italian

Syrian or Lebanese

Other

Total

Rural activity 01 01 00 00 02

Urban commerce
138 39 43 49 269
Other industries 41 22 06 07 76
Leather-footwear 31 17 00 04 52
Provision of services 08 10 00 00 18

TOTAL
219 89 49 60 417

 

1931-1940

Type of activity

Brazilian

Italian

Syrian or Lebanese

Other

Total

Rural activity 00 00 00 00 00

Urban commerce
62 20 22 18 122
Other industries 18 11 02 04 35
Leather-footwear 09 10 01 00 20
Provision of services 01 02 00 01 04

TOTAL
90 43 25 23 181

 

1941-1950

Type of activity

Brazilian

Italian

Syrian or Lebanese

Other

Total

Rural activity 01 00 00 01 02

Urban commerce
344 135 69 85 633
Other industries 42 53 17 05 117
Leather-footwear 48 51 02 16 117
Provision of services 40 20 07 06 73

TOTAL
475 259 95 113 942

 

1951-1960

Type of activity

Brazilian

Italian

Syrian or Lebanese

Other

Total

Rural activity 00 00 00 00 00

Urban commerce
308 107 37 65 517
Other industries 25 22 01 02 50
Leather-footwear 26 17 00 08 51
Provision of services 53 36 01 09 99

TOTAL
412 182 39 84 717

Source: Records of Commercial Firms at the Clerk of the General Register of Mortgages and Annexes of Franca. Municipal Historical Archive of Franca (AHMUF).

 

Although persons of foreign origin were prominent between 1901 and 1910, the number of both other industries, as well as provision of services, is very small. The representation of those of foreign origin in urban commerce, on the other hand, though lower than that of nationals, is significant. In the same period, the leather-footwear establishments were largely owned by nationals. In the subsequent decade, despite a variation in numbers, the situation remained very similar; as for the leather-footwear industry, it showed an increase in the number of foreigners. In the 1920s, there were considerable changes, since in urban commerce the number of nationals compared to foreigners was very similar. Significantly, there was a large increase in the number of leather-footwear establishments, as well as in the participation of immigrants in this business. By the 1930s, the records indicated that there were already more businesses owned by foreigners than by nationals. In the shoemaking industry, although there was a drop in the number of establishments registered, they surpassed the number of nationals. In the following decade, the situation was the same, but there were more leather-footwear establishments, and foreigners far exceeded the number of nationals. In the last decade of the study, there was an economic slowdown in all types of activities, and participation of people of immigrant origin was below or close to that of nationals.

With respect to total percentages, we have prepared Graph 2 regarding the ethnic origin of the Franca business community (1900-1960).

 


 

Graph 2 – Ethnic origin of the business community of Franca

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Source: Records of Commercial Firms at the Clerk of the General Register of Mortgages and Annexes of Franca. Municipal Historical Archive of Franca (AHMUF).

 

 

Regarding the ethnic distribution of the shoemaking-business owners, out of the 279 establishments operating during the period of our study, 144 belonged to Brazilians, 102 to persons of Italian origin, three to Syrians or Lebanese, and 30 to individuals of other nationalities. Graph 3 provides the breakdown of this group by ethnic origin.

 

Graph 3 – Ethnic origin of the footwear business community in Franca (1900-1960)

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Source: Records of Commercial Firms at the Clerk of the General Register of Mortgages and Annexes of Franca. Municipal Historical Archive of Franca (AHMUF).

 

 

The next stage of the research was to find out how many of these people had humble origins. The documentation used was gathered from the Registry of Marriages, responsible for providing information on the occupations of all newlyweds married in Franca (1906-1960). We present this data in Table 6.

 

Table 6 – Origins and Professions of Grooms Married in Franca (1906-1960)

Employees in commerce/trade

1906-1910 1911-1920 1921-1930 1931-1940 1941-1950 1951-1960
Brazilians

05

25

33

78

130

135

Immigrants

01

03

04

03

07

01

Descendants

00

04

10

37

63

47

Not declared

00

00

00

00

00

00

TOTAL

06

32

47

118

200

183

 

Employees in industry

1906-1910 1911-1920 1921-1930 1931-1940 1941-1950 1951-1960
Brazilians

06

29

82

65

105

402

Immigrants

02

32

47

07

03

01

Descendants

00

08

50

18

30

100

Not declared

00

00

00

00

01

00

TOTAL

08

69

179

90

139

503

 

Employees in the fields/countryside

1906-1910 1911-1920 1921-1930 1931-1940 1941-1950 1951-1960
Brazilians

532

667

834

577

537

601

Immigrants

172

230

192

64

18

06

Descendants

10

129

205

154

105

87

Not declared

02

00

01

03

00

00

TOTAL

716

1026

1232

798

660

694

 

Freelance professionals

1906-1910 1911-1920 1921-1930 1931-1940 1941-1950 1951-1960
Brazilians

09

27

31

28

41

64

Immigrants

00

02

01

01

00

04

Descendants

00

02

05

08

17

15

Not declared

00

00

00

00

00

00

TOTAL

09

31

37

37

58

83

 

Service providers

1906-1910 1911-1920 1921-1930 1931-1940 1941-1950 1951-1960
Brazilians

52

148

207

269

416

784

Immigrants

31

67

41

23

18

14

Descendants

10

53

111

145

213

282

Not declared

00

02

00

00

03

00

TOTAL

93

270

359

437

650

1080

 

Commercial businessmen

1906-1910 1911-1920 1921-1930 1931-1940 1941-1950 1951-1960
Brazilians

11

49

41

40

33

85

Immigrants

10

27

51

35

10

16

Descendants

01

17

22

41

35

70

Not declared

00

00

00

00

00

00

TOTAL

22

93

114

116

78

171

 


 

 

Industrialists

1906-1910 1911-1920 1921-1930 1931-1940 1941-1950 1951-1960
Brazilians

03

05

09

02

06

17

Immigrants

02

01

02

02

01

01

Descendants

00

00

02

03

10

19

TOTAL

05

06

13

07

17

37

 

Landowners

1906-1910 1911-1920 1921-1930 1931-1940 1941-1950 1951-1960
Brazilians

04

06

03

09

28

93

Immigrants

00

00

00

00

01

00

Descendants

00

00

00

02

02

01

Not declared

00

00

00

00

00

00

TOTAL

04

06

03

11

31

94

 

Leather-footwear sector

1906-1910 1911-1920 1921-1930 1931-1940 1941-1950 1951-1960
Brazilians

15

28

32

54

129

139

Immigrants

05

04

03

02

02

00

Descendants

01

07

21

37

82

58

Not declared

00

00

00

00

00

00

TOTAL

21

39

56

93

213

197

 

Did not declare a profession

1906-1910 1911-1920 1921-1930 1931-1940 1941-1950 1951-1960
Brazilians

54

31

09

09

11

11

Immigrants

20

08

02

00

02

00

Descendants

03

07

06

06

04

06

Not declared

00

02

00

00

00

00

TOTAL

77

48

17

15

17

17

 

TOTAL NUMBER OF MARRIAGES

1906-1910 1911-1920 1921-1930 1931-1940 1941-1950 1951-1960
TOTAL

961

1620

2057

1722

2063

3059

Source: Registers of banns of marriages performed in Franca between 1906 and 1960. Municipal Historical Archive of Franca (AHMUF).

 

We used the same grayscale to rate the number of people of foreign origin in relation to nationals, and the darker the shade, the more foreigners. In only a few cases do the numbers of immigrants and their descendants match or exceed those of Brazilians. Immigrants and descendants equaled or exceeded Brazilians, for some decades, among commercial businessmen. And despite the small number of self-proclaimed industrialist grooms, during the last three decades of our study, the number of foreigners and descendants surpassed those of Brazilians – as our thesis anticipated. With respect to employees in industries, only twice between 1910 and 1920 did the number of foreigners exceed those of Brazilians. Among the employees in the fields, immigrants and descendants were always outnumbered.

Another observation about the rural population is necessary: there were few married owners of rural properties in the city. The reason may be that rural Franca properties tended to be medium-sized and small. When these medium and small farmers disclosed their profession to the Marriage Registrar, they may have preferred to call themselves farm workers. Therefore, there may have been many of these included in the study as employees in the fields. Those who said they were landowners or farmers were, perhaps among other things, large landowners in the strictest sense of the term.

There were always a large number of immigrant grooms along with descendant grooms who worked in the leather-footwear industry sector, despite being outnumbered by the Brazilians throughout this period. In the 1920s, 1930s, and 1940s they made up approximately 40% of all the grooms in this economic sector.

Of the owners of the 279 establishments surveyed in the first phase of the study, 144 were married in Franca. Of these, 72 were born in Brazil to Brazilian parents; 62 were born in Brazil of foreign parents, and 10 were born abroad. That is, half of the sample was of foreign origin. Table 7 contains the occupations performed by these businessmen at the time of their marriage.

 

Table 7 Professional Occupation Performed at the Time of Marriage

Performed business activities

Total

Tailor

01

Artist

06

Barber

02

Chauffeur

01

Store owner

06

Retail

04

Cutter

01

Shoe cutter

01

Store employee

05

Employee of the Franca Electric Company

01

Industrial worker

01

Farmer

07

Carpenter

02

Mechanic

02


Laborer

15

Mason

02

Teacher

01

Shoemaker

35

Saddle maker

04

Traveler

01


Not declared

06

Lawyer

01

Banker

01

Dentist

01

Merchant

08

Accountant

04

Pharmacist

01

Bookkeeper

03

Industrialist

15

 

 


Performed business activities

Total

Dealer/salesperson

04


Owner

01

Chemist

01


TOTAL

144

Source: Registers of banns of marriages performed in Franca between 1906 and 1960. Municipal Historical Archive of Franca (AHMUF).

 

Based on these professions, we repeat the classifications previously used, namely those of worker [39] and high-level profession.[40] Thus Graph 4 shows the percentages for both categories.

Prominent among the occupations declared at the time of marriage were those related to the workers’ own activities, that is, handicrafts, which were poorly paid and without much social prestige. And, in smaller numbers, those with a high-level profession, with higher social status.

 

 

Graph 4 Professional origin of the businessmen in the leather-footwear industry at the time of marriage (1900-1960)

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Source: Registers of banns of marriages performed in Franca between 1906 and 1960. Municipal Historical Archive of Franca (AHMUF).

 

 

Besides this observation, the fact that the shoemaking industry demanded more craftsmanship than technology and machinery at that embryonic stage, investment in this activity was not an obstacle to immigrants or their poor descendants. The important thing to start the business was the know-how – brought over from Europe, Syria, or Lebanon, or learned in Brazil, perhaps with a cobbler.

 

Final Considerations

 

The creation of the manufacturing business class in the state of São Paulo took on complex traits and even characteristics that belie the consensus created by the academic literature, which is responsible for directly associating the figure of the industrialist with that of the rich foreigner or the coffee grower-investor and associating poverty with the immigrant worker. However, during the process of industrialization in Ribeirão Preto and Franca, the wealthy immigrant or the coffee grower were absent. Those who prevailed arrived at the right place at the right time and made full use of the opportunities created by societies undergoing change amid the dynamics created by the coffee economy.

The small manufacturing enterprises of these two cities represented the opposite of the medium and large industries in the city of São Paulo during the same period. Therefore, when discussing industrialization and immigration in the state of São Paulo, the simple actions of foreign workers and their descendants, holders of a certain know-how, can help tell an important story about the creation of the business community in Brazil.

 

References

 

Adriana Adriana Capretz Borges Silva, Expansão urbana e formação dos territórios de pobreza em Ribeirão Preto: os bairros surgidos a partir do Núcleo Colonial Antonio Prado, master´s thesis, São Carlos, Ufscar, 2008.

Agnaldo de Sousa Barbosa, Empresariado fabril e desenvolvimento econômico: empreendedores, ideologia e capital na indústria do calçado (Franca, 1920-1990), São Paulo, Hucitec/FAPESP, 2006.

Caio Prado Júnior, História econômica do Brasil, São Paulo, Brasiliense, 1976.

Carlos A. P. Bacellar, Na estrada do anhanguera: uma visão regional da história paulista, São Paulo, Humanitas, FFLCH/USP, 1999.

Fernando Henrique Cardoso, Empresário industrial e o desenvolvimento econômico no Brasil, São Paulo, Difusão Européia do Livro, 1964.

Herbert S. Klein, Migração internacional na história das Américas. In Boris Fausto, Fazer a América, São Paulo, Ed. Usp, 2000.

João Manuel Cardoso Mello, O capitalismo tardio, São Paulo, Brasiliense, 1984.

José de Souza Martins, O cativeiro da terra, São Paulo, Ciências Humanas Ltda., 1979.

Luiz Carlos Bresser Pereira, Empresários e administradores no Brasil, São Paulo, Brasiliense, 1974.

Rosana Aparecida Cintra, Italianos em Ribeirão Preto: vinda e vida de imigrante (1890-1900), master´s thesis, Franca,  UNESP, 2001.

Samuel L. Baily, The adjustment of Italian immigrants in Buenos Aires and New York (1870-1914). In American Historical Review 88, nº. 2 (April 1983): 281-305.

Sérgio Silva, Expansão cafeeira e origens da indústria no Brasil, São Paulo, Alfa-Omega, 1995.

Warren Dean, A industrialização de São Paulo, Rio de Janeiro, Bertrand Brasil, 1991.

Wilson Cano, Raízes da concentração social em São Paulo, São Paulo, Unicamp/IE, 1998.

 

 


* Postdoctoral Fellow at FAPESP – the São Paulo Research Foundation and a researcher linked to the Department of Education, Social Sciences and Public Policy of UNESP – São Paulo State University and to LabDES – Laboratory of Development and Sustainability Studies.

Address: Rua João Batista de Barros, 592 – Jardim Nova Guaxupé – CEP. 37800-000 – Guaxupé/MG/Brazil.

Phone: 55-35-3552-6031 – Cell phone: 55-35-8882-6031.

Email: maranbrand@yahoo.com.br

[1] Caio Prado Júnior, História econômica do Brasil, São Paulo, Brasiliense, 1976.

[2] Ibid., pp. 265.

[3] Fernando Henrique Cardoso, Empresário industrial e o desenvolvimento econômico no Brasil, São Paulo, Difusão Européia do Livro, 1964.

[4] Ibid., pp. 82.

[5] Luiz Carlos Bresser Pereira, Empresários e administradores no Brasil, São Paulo, Brasiliense, 1974.

[6] The survey results reported that 21.5% belonged to the upper middle class (the main feature of which is the higher education and the independent profession of the father; the family is generally rich, occasionally making ends meet). About 30% belonged to the middle class (consisting of families who could make ends meet, with parents with secondary education, in general, exercising professions such as mid-level civil servant, businessman, industrialist, or mid-level farmer). And 20% belonged to the lower middle class (consisting of poor families, or at most those able to make ends meet, where the father usually completed primary education or, at most, high school, and the father’s profession was commerce, banking, retail merchant, industrialist, or farmer). L. C. B. Pereira, Empresários, cit, pp.,110.

[7] Ibid.

[8] Ibid., pp. 124.

[9] Warren Dean, A industrialização de São Paulo, Rio de Janeiro, Bertrand Brasil, 1991.

[10] Ibid., pp. 26.

[11] “[…] almost all Brazilian businessmen came from the rural elite. Around 1930, there was not one single manufacturer born in Brazil originating from the lower or middle classes, and very few came later.” Ibid. pp. 54.

[12] “[…] had little chance of rising above the lower class; at most he could reach the level of retail sales or repair shops.” Ibid. pp. 59.

[13] Sérgio Silva, Expansão cafeeira e origens da indústria no Brasil, São Paulo, Alfa-Omega, 1995.

[14] “[…] the majority of the Brazilian industrial bourgeoisie arrived as immigrants to Brazil in the late nineteenth or early twentieth century and worked as importers.” Ibid., pp. 90.

[15] S. Silva, Expansão, cit.,  pp. 91.

[16] José de Souza Martins, O cativeiro da terra, São Paulo, Ciências Humanas Ltda., 1979.

[17] Ibid., pp. 148.

[18] João Manuel Cardoso de Mello, for instance, said, “[…] a burguesia cafeeira não teria podido deixar de ser a matriz social da burguesia industrial, porque era a única classe dotada de capacidade de acumulação suficiente para promover o surgimento da grande indústria” – “[…] the coffee-growing bourgeoisie could not help but be the social matrix of the industrial bourgeoisie, because it was the only class with enough capacity of accumulation to promote the emergence of big industry.” In João Manuel Cardoso Mello, O capitalismo tardio, São Paulo, Brasiliense, 1984, pp. 143. Wilson Cano also contended that the industry did not emerge in Brazil through a process of transformation from craft production and manufacturing to industrial production. Wilson Cano, Raízes da concentração social em São Paulo, São Paulo, Unicamp/IE, 1998, pp. 224-225.

[19] Herbert S. Klein, Migração internacional na história das Américas. In Boris Fausto, Fazer a América, São Paulo, Ed. Usp, 2000, pp. 28-29.

[20] Ibid., pp. 29.

[21] “[…] the Italians in these two nations rapidly entered the newly created middle class, and already in their second generation, many of them had already achieved a higher status than their own parents had.” Ibid.

[22] Samuel L. Baily, The adjustment of Italian immigrants in Buenos Aires and New York (1870-1914). In American Historical Review 88, no. 2 (April 1983): 281-305.

[23] Ibid., pp. 285.

[24] S. L. Baily, The adjustment, cit.

[25] Carlos A. P. Bacellar, Na estrada do anhanguera: uma visão regional da história paulista, São Paulo, Humanitas, FFLCH/USP, 1999.

[26] Report (1902) presented to the City Council at Ribeirão Preto by the City Mayor Dr. Manoel Aureliano de Gumão, in the Session of January 10, 1903. São Paulo: Duprat & Compp. 1903. APHRP – Public and Historical Archive of Ribeirão Preto.

[27] Rosana Aparecida Cintra, Italianos em Ribeirão Preto: vinda e vida de imigrante (1890-1900), master´s thesis, Franca,  UNESP, 2001, pp.72-73.

[28] By analogy, this ratio also occurs in other establishments and for other ethnic groups found in the documentation.

[29] Among the professions were tailor, carpenter, wagoner, settler, employee of Mogiana Railroad Co., trade employee, carver, farrier, blacksmith, tinker, farmer, carpenter, mechanic, laborer, baker, bricklayer, planter, shoemaker, dyer, and rural worker.

[30] Among others were trader, builder, industrialist, doctor, merchant, and owner.

* Two grooms did not declare the profession they pursued at the time of marriage.

[31] Agnaldo de Sousa Barbosa, Empresariado fabril e desenvolvimento econômico: empreendedores, ideologia e capital na indústria do calçado (Franca, 1920-1990), São Paulo, Hucitec/FAPESP, 2006, pp. 42.

[32] Ibid., pp. 47-50.

[33] People born in the state of Minas Gerais, Brazil.

[34] Unlike Ribeirão Preto, which was surrounded by large estates with land-rock–the few lands that were unwanted by farmers were used for the Antonio Prado Colonial Center – the city of Franca was surrounded by an archipelago of small and medium properties. A. S. Barbosa, Empresariado, cit.

[35] Ibid., pp. 39.

[36] Ibid., pp. 39-41.

[37] “[…] big capital was absent from the creation of the shoemaking industry, only appearing from the 1960s onwards, when the industry was already fully consolidated in the county.” A. S. Barbosa, Empresários, cit., pp. 66.

[38] It is noteworthy that the “Brazilian” immigrants also include many Spanish and Portuguese immigrants.

[39] Tailor, artist, barber, chauffeur, store owner, retailer, cutter, shoe cutter, store employee, employee of the Franca Electricity Company, industrial worker, farmer, carpenter, mechanic, laborer, mason, teacher, shoemaker, saddle maker, traveler.

[40] Lawyer, banker, dentist, merchant, accountant, pharmacist, bookkeeper, industrialist, dealer/salesperson.